ADDKESS 




YOME AtLEE, 



AT THE REQUEST OF 



CONCORD* LODGE, I. O. O. F, 



rockvi^l^|;,*ma|iy1and, 






^*'.* 



PRINTED BY ORDER OF .THlf LODGE 



.■unr: 



-f*- 

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WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED BY JOHN T. &. LEM. TOWERS. 
1854. 




Rook .-J ^ 69 



A D D E E S S 



SAMUEL YOME AtLEE 



AT THE REQUEST OF 



CONCORD LODGE, I. O. O. F. 



ROCKVILLE, MARYLAND, 



JULY 4, 1854. 



PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE LODGE. 



WASHINGTON: 

FEINTED BY JOHN T. A LEM. TOWEM. 
1854. 



H'-^ 



I "6 5^ 



RocKviLLE, Md., June 10, 1854. 
Dear Sir and Brother: 

The undersigned, in behalf of Concord Lodge, No. 73, I. 0. 0. F., of Rock- 
"ville, Md., take the liberty of requesting your services as Orator on the 4th of 
July next. 

The address we wish, is to be delivered at Rockville in commemoration of 
the seventy-eighth anniversary of American Independence, and we should be 
pleased if you would, on the same occasion, explain the objects of Odd-Fellow- 
ship. 

Yours, respectfully and fraternally, 

M. i;OULDEN, 
W. BRADDOCK, 
J. A. ALLEN, 
P. J. CONNELL, 
L. RUSSELL, 
Committee of Arrangements and Correspondence. 
Samuel Yorke AtLee, 

Past Grand Representative. 



Washington City, June 12, 1854. 
Brethren: 

Your note of the 10th inst. is before me. The invitation of Concord Lodge 
is with pleasure accepted. The theme of our National Independence is as 
grateful as it is inexhaustible; and I shall cheerfully endeavor to recall the 
"times that tried men's souls." 

Your suggestion ia regard to the Independent Order shall also be complied 
with. 

Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL YORKE AtLEE. 
Messrs. M. Moulden and others, 

Committee of Arrangements and Correspondence. 



Extract from the Proceedings. 

Rockville, Montgomery County, Md. 

July 4, 1854. 
Resolved, Tliat the thanks of Concord Lodge are hereby tendered to P. Gr. 
J. H. Jones, of Adam Lodge, No. 35, for his services as Chaplain ; and to P. Gr. 
Bouic as Reader of the Declaration. And it was further 

Resolved, That the thanks of Concord Lodge No 73, I. O. 0. F, are hereby 
tendered to P. Gr. Representative Samuel Yorke AtLee, for his address in honor 
of this day, and on the workings of our beloved Order ; and that Br. AtLee be 



requested to furnish this Lodge with a copy of the same for publication in 
pamphlet form. 

Resolved, That it be entered on the minutes of the Lodge that, after the de- 
livery of the address, the citizens present, on motion of Hon. Eicuard J. Bowik, 
by unanimous vote, pledged the county of Montgomery in the sum of $100 to- 
wards the completion of the Washington Monument, and that the sum of $23,96 
was contributed on the spot and handed to Brother AtLee as the first install- 
ment thereof 

JOHN E. BAKER, K. G. 

JAMES A. ALLEN, V. G. 

M. MOULDEN, Sec. P. T. 



Washington, Jidy 11, 1854. 
Dear Sir : 

The Hon. Elisha Whittlesey has honored me with your favor, of the 5th inst., 
with a request that I would acknowledge receipt of the same. 

In behalf of the Board of Management of the Washington National Monu- 
ment, I take great pleasure in tendering their thanks for the interest you have 
taken in this cause, and the valued services you have so recently rendered on • 
the Fourth at Rockville, Md. 

The Board hereby acknowledge the receipt, by F. W. Eckloff, of the sum of 
$23 96 ; and will transmit the proper acknowledgment to the contributors of 
Montgomery County, and the Design will be duly sent as requested. 

Respectfully, yours, 

JOHN CARROLL BRENT, 

Secretary, 
Samuel Yorke AtLke, Esq., 

Washwfjton, D. C. 



ADDRESS. 



Fellow Citizens ; 

We assemble here, to-day, by invitation of the members of Con- 
cord Lodge, No. 73, of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, to cele- 
brate the 78th anniversary of American Independence. They think, 
as do all of us, that it is a most appropriate occasion for bringing to- 
gether the citizens of this great republic. 

The events which we desire to commemorate need no minute reca- 
pitulation. All Americans have them by heart. 

Seventy-seven years have rolled by since the connection between 
England and her Colonies was severed. It had existed, until that time, 
about one hundred and fifty years. 

The settlement of this country was initiated by a desire of religious 
freedom. Out of all those who emigrated to this continent, there was 
not one who contemplated a dissolution of the ties which bound them 
to the parent government. 

Although the embartatiou of a portion of the emigrants was delayed 
and embarrassed, by court intrigue and royal caprice, they came into 
the possession of their lands under authority of law, and by virtue of 
charters and grants emanating from Government. Their exclusive pur- 
pose in undertaking to subdue this foreign soil was to secure the en- 
joyment of religious freedom. No sentiment less exalted than this 
could have carried them over the difficulties which opposed their en- 
ter prize. 

Exiled from their ancestral homesteads, committing themselves to 
an almost unknown sea, in the season most unfavorable to navigation, 
they found themselves, in the midst of winter, near a rocky coast in- 
habited by savages and desolate with the snows of December. But 
they trusted in God, and kept a good heart. 

Sickness, scarcity of food and death, together with the distrust na- 



6 

turally existing between the aborigines and themselves, harrassed tbem 
with doubts aud fears ; and their energies were cramped within the 
narrow circle of self-preservation. But, as time elapsed, and as further 
intercourse between the settlers and the Indians removed suspicion and 
prejudice, the little colony began to manifest the new spirit that actu- 
ated it. Churches and schools soon exhibited the intentions of the 
settlers to establish a high standard of morality and mental cultivation. 
The Old World, in the meantime, seldom thought of them. They 
had set out from their native shores with the prayers of a few, but 
against the warnings and jeers of the many ; and the sail of their ves- 
sel had hardly disappeared, before the curious multitude were engross- 
ed with some other passing novelty. Besides, the condition of Eng- 
land did not permit her to look much beyond her own immediate pre- 
cinct. The throne was rocldng between loyalty and rebellion, and the 
nation was agitated by the thunders of the Vatican and the trumpet of 
Reform. The despotic, bigotted, and imbecile House of Stuart were 
exasperating the people of England with exercising obsolete preroga- 
tives ; and, during the entire period from the reign of the 1st Charles 
to the accession of William and Mary, the colonists of North America 
were establishing their commonwealths, concentrating their strength, 
and disciplining their energies, verj^ much after their own fashion. 

It was not until the reign of George I, that public attention began 
to be drawn to the Colonies. Their increasing tonnage and importa- 
tions attracted the notice of the mercantile world ; and the item of du- 
ties arising therefrom became more prominent in the sight of the Com- 
missioners of the Customs. Upon inquiry, it was ascertained that the 
Colonies were in a flourishing condition ; that the crops of tobacco 
were very large, and increased annually, in a ratio that attested the 
rapid development of independent resources. 

The philanthropy of England is as consistent as it is proverbial. 
Whenever she can benefit her own aristocracy, or oppress the rising 
spirit of a gallant people, she manifests a joyful sense of existence. As, 
in the case of the North American Colonies, she could, with impunity, 
gratify both her avarice and her arrogance, she gladly availed herself 
of the felicitous coincidence. 



The Colonies afForded nice sinecures for " younger sons" and meri- 
torious parasites ; and, accordingly, hordes of oflBcial cormorants were 
sent amongst us to fetten on our milk and honey. We still have to 
acknowledge her yearnings in our behalf, as shown in her maternal so- 
licitude for our continuance in the way Ave should go. Our relations, 
foreign and domestic, seem constantly to occupy her thoughts. Her 
vagabond " commoners" leave their seats in Parliament to instruct us 
in the " higher law ;" and her lady patronesses at Almacks occupy the 
anxious seats on account of o?«r national sins. "We shall always remem- 
ber the good intentions with which she paved our way to Texas, and 
appreciate, to the fullest extent, her benevolent anxiety for the welfare 
of Central America and Cuba. 

But to return. 

It was no wonder that, under such a mother, the Colonies fared bad- 
ly. AgTeeably to the policy of the British Government, all the self-re- 
lying traits of character, so remarkably displayed by our people, were 
systematically repressed. The carrying trade was denied to our ves- 
sels, except under such restrictions as rendered it unprofitable. We 
were not allowed to transport any " raw material" to the adjacent is- 
lands, except through the merchants of Liverpool and London ; and as 
for our " manufactures," it was rendered penal even to make hats. 
Every thing necessary for domestic comfort, as well as for social luxury, 
had to be jiurchased in England. We were, thus, drained of our mo- 
ney and our cash commodities ; and kept in the most abject depen- 
dence on the " mother country." 

But, not satisfied with ruling us into negative slavery, the British 
Government, under George IIL, began a series of measures calculated 
to deprive us of every political attribute whatsoever. The doctrine was 
shamelessly avowed that extraordinary taxes might be levied in the 
Colonies, without any consent on their part. It was ordained that Par- 
liament was omnipotent ; and possessed inherent, absolute and supreme 
authority over the dependencies of the British Crown. 

In accordance with this doctrine, the regulations for the intercourse 
between England and the Colonies increased in stringency. 

Amongst other enactments, it was provided that no contract, pro- 



8 

missoiy note, or instrument of writing, should be valid in law, unless 
written on paper stamped witli tlie Royal Arms, and sold by agents ap- 
pointed by tbe Government. 

It must not be supposed tbat tbe colonists submitted to these en- 
croacbments without a murmur. 

They felt the first approach of injustice and soon expostulated. They 
were, in return, admonished to beware of " disloyalty ;" and the pro- 
cess for the collection of the stamp duty was made more summary, and 
the instructions to the tax gatherers more imperative. 

All these oppressions, though so brieliy narrated, were the accumu- 
lations of years. They were persisted in by the British Ministry, in 
spite of legislative remonstrances and universal popular discontent. The 
throne was entreated to vindicate the integrity of the British Constitu- 
tion, the chief corner stone of which was, that there should be no tax- 
ation without representation. The King and the Ministry were alike 
deaf as adders. Some voices were raised in Parliament in behalf of the 
Colonies ; and it was proposed that they should be allowed to partici- 
pate in the national deliberations by representative delegations, to be 
admitted to seats in Parliament. But these suggestions were promptly 
rejected in an uproar of taunts and laughter. 

Every appeal to the justice and good feeling of the " mother country" 
having thus failed, the people of the Colonies were forced to avail them- 
selves of their means for self-protection. 

Even then, however, the project of national independence had not 
been contemplated. Never were a people so truly " loyal" as our fore- 
fathers. They clung to their reliance on the sense of justice so common 
to all people ; and even denounced as treason the first threats of open 
resistance to Government. 

Not only had the colonists surrendered many of their dearest privi- 
leges, but they had freely sacrificed their blood for the honor of the 
crown. 

During the French war, whole regiments of brave men volunteered, 
and persevered in their allegiance, in spite of the sneers and gibes of 
the Royal officers against the provincial " Yankee Doodles." 

At length, wearied and indignant at the contemptuous disregard of 



their feelings as well as of their rights, the American people gave un- 
mistakeable evidence of their determination to protect themselves. 

The depositories of stamped paper were broken open and invaded, 
and their contents publicly burnt ; and cargoes of tea were seized on 
board of vessels and flung into the sea. 

You are, no doubt, familiar with the incidents attending the destruc- 
tion, by fire, of a vessel loaded with the revolutionary plant in the roads 
at Annapolis. 

The ministry, so soon as tidings of these events reached London, dis- 
patched large bodies of troops, to re-inforee their regular garrisons ; and 
it was officially announced that the Colonies were to be coerced into 
unconditional submission. 

Events speedily followed which roused the general indignation into 
unanimous enthusiasm. Political associations were simultaneously or- 
ganized in every Colony, and the Sons of Liberty^ as they were called, 
began to discipline their forces for approaching conflict. Tumultuary 
assemblages agitated society and "treasonable" anathemas were an- 
swered with approving shouts. 

In 1775 the rebellion fairly burst forth. A skirmish took place on 
the 19th of April in that year, at Lexington, between a detachment of 
British troops and some armed Americans. Several were killed. 

The news lit up the Avhole country like a flash of lightning ; and the 
struggling elements of wrath responded like a clap of thunder. The 
Continental Congress, at once, took measures to raise an army for the 
public defence, and to procure munitions of war. The command of 
the Continental troops was, by an unanimous vote, conferred upon 
George Washington-. This American was, then, but little over forty 
years of age. He had gained great military experience, however, in 
the war against the French and Lulians. He owned large estates ; and 
no one risked more than he did in accepting the commission. 

Even at this stage of proceedings, the Colonies premeditated no na- 
tional independence. The correspondence of Adams, Franklin, and 
others prominent in the movement, proves this. Their sagacity could 
not, indeed, overlook such a possibility ; but, nevertheless, conciliation 
was to be preferred. The appointment of Commissioners by the minis- 



10 

try gave color to these expectations, and some negotiations were Lad 
between the parties, but with arms in their hands. 

But all failed : and the Colonies found themselves compelled into a 
war with the most powerful nation in Europe. A Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was issued by the Congress of the Confederated Colonies, and 
a calm statement of our grievances set before the world. The people 
everywhere, sympathised with us ; and gallant soldiers from all nations 
hastened across the seas, and made a free will offering of their swords. 

The most magnanimous of all these was La Fayette. A nobleman 
of France, a favorite of his King, connected with the most illustrious 
peers, of immense wealth, and living in the most brilliant city in Eu- 
rope, he had every worldly reason to isolate himself in personal selfish- 
ness. But he gave up all at the cvy of struggling liberty. He came 
in an armed vessel, purchased by himself, and filled with ammunition 
and military accoutrements, which, on his arrival, he generously pre- 
sented for the public use. He was commissioned by Congress as a 
Major General, and served to the close of the war. 

The contest lasted for eight years ; and it is well to mention a coin- 
cidence fixing the period with precision. The first blood was shed on 
the 19th of April, 17Y5 , and, on the 19th of April, 1783, the Treaty 
of Peace was announced to the Army, in General Orders by Washing- 
ton. The success of the American States, in maintaining their stand, 
was the admiration of Europe. The whole world wished the defeat of 
England, so intolerable had her dictatorial arrogance become to all the 
nations. France, alone, had the means to render us any efficient aid ; 
and her navy, as well as army, was represented at the surrender of 
Cornwallis at Yorktown. 

That a nation, so brave and well disciplined as Great Britain, should 
have been defeated by j^rovincial troops, never well provisioned nor 
armed, struck the world with wonder. Our strength was in the justice 
of our cause. Divine Providence was our helper. God raised up an 
instrument for our deliverance in George Washington^ 

He was born on the 22d of February, 1732. His education was the 
best that could, under the circumstances of his early life, be procured 
for him. Hardly, however, had the first rudiments of learning been 



11 

acquired, when the death of his father compelled him to enter on the 
practical duties of life. He became a surveyor ; and, at the early age 
of seventeen, was selected, by some of the largest landholders, to es- 
tablish the lines of their property. He was, a few years afterwards, 
commissioned in the war between the British Government and the 
French ; and served throughout the whole of those tedious campaigns. 
His conduct was highly commended by his provincial comrades, for 
bravery, sagacity, and perseverance. The Royal officers frequently 
sought his advice, but seldom condescended to take it ; and reaped the 
reward of their disdain on the occasion of Braddoclc's defeat. 

Washington's civil pursuits and military knowledge prepared him 
for the destiny reserved for him. His physical and mental constitution 
was firmly established, and his faculties thoroughly trained. He was 
about forty-three when he took command of the revolutionary army. 
The commission was awarded to him by an unanimous vote. He re- 
ceived it with obedient humility ; but solemnly declared that he con- 
sidered himself unequal to the discharge of its momentous duties. 
But he invoked the aid of Divine Providence, and stood forth the 
champion of human liberty. For eight years he labored as no other 
man ever labored. The new government had no money for purchasing- 
military supplies ; and, not being recognised by the nations of the eartli, 
its credit was at first insufficient to obtain a single barrel of powder. 
But, when the world saw the rebellious Colonies firmly maintaining 
their ground, and that, from the nature of the contest, the probabilities 
of ultimate triumph were not, altogether, on the side of England, nego- 
tiations for loans were informally entertained by France and Holland. 

It is impracticable to offer, within the time allotted to me, any com- 
prehensible narrative of the great men or the great deeds of that 
miraculous epoch. Besides, it is unnecessary. An American who 
should look to me, this day, for his first lesson in these marvelous an- 
nals, would be unworthy of his birthright. 

The history of our Revolutionary War is second only to the history 
of the Jewish Exodus. Next to that sacred record, it should be our 
peculiar treasure. It affords illustrious examples of every virtue. 

Pedantry may prefer, as ornaments for its pompous didactics, the 



12 

classical appellatives of Fabius, Marcellus, and Epaminondas ; but in our 
archives there is aname written before which all Greek or Roman glory 
pales its ineffectual fire. That name is Washington. The sentiments 
of love and veneration which hailed him as the deliverer of his country 
remain undiminished. No personal descendant exists, to weaken the 
force of his own great character ; but twenty-five millions of free peo- 
ple acknowledge him as the Father of his country. 

Thus were our liberties gained ; and we became acknowledged as an 
independent nation. 

The Republic, however had now to undergo her severest trial. While 
at war, the bond of general self-preservation retained the States in 
ostensible union. But peace soon demonstrated the intrinsic weakness 
of the compact. 

It was conceded by all that a new Federal Government must be de- 
vised. A Convention was, accordingly, held ; and the result of its 
deliberations was the Constitution now in force. It went into effect 
in 1789, under the Executive administration of Washington, and has 
been tested by the political vicissitudes of sixty-five years. It has 
been exposed to the shock of war, the assaults of fanaticism and the 
plottings of domestic treason ; but its foundations seem only to have 
become more compactly settled on the rock. Liberal and strict con- 
structionists have, by turns, endeavored to pervert or emasculate its 
spirit; but wisdom has ever, in the end, been justified of her children- 
The American people have been able to discriminate between sound 
sense and sophistry ; and experience daily inculcates the sacred duty 
of maintaining its obliefations. 



Fellow Citizens: 

As we have been invited to meet together on this occasion by a Lodge 
of Odd-Fellows, it is proper that before this address is concluded, a 
few remarks should be made in regard to that Fraternity. 

Some thirty years ago, an address in relation to the Independent Order 
of Odd-Fellows was a rare thing. The name itself was novel ; and the 
oddest conjectures were made, as to what was meant by it. 



13 

The new Order was supposed by many, to be a club of Baccbanals 
or — which was about as injurious to society — Old Bachelors. 

The increase of the Fraternity has removed all such misconceptions, 
Tlie Brotherhood assembled before you to day is, I think, sufficient to 
vindicate Odd-Fellowship from any charge of inconsistency, or immo- 
rality. 

The motto of the Order engraved on its Grand Seal, is " we command 
you to visit the sick, relieve the distressed, bury the dead, and educate 
the orphan." 

To put these precepts into practice, is the sole end of our organization. 
For this purpose Lodges are formed. Every member contributes about 
|>5 a year, and becomes thereby, entitled to receive " sick benefits :" that 
is, whenever he is by illness incapacitated from following his usual oc- 
cupation, he receives from the common treasury, about |4 every week, 
until he becomes well enough to return to work. If he should die, the 
Lodge, if requested, take charge of his burial ; or, if the family prefer 
superintending the arrangements themselves, the Lodge pay to the pro- 
per person the sum of $30 towards defraying the expenses thereof. 

If any children are left, the Lodge contribute annually towards the 
cost of educating them ; and if desired, will co-operate with their friends 
in seeing the children taught some mode of earning their livelihood. 

Our purposes are exclusively benevolent ; but they are not exclusive- 
ly confined to the brotherhood. Our statistics exhibit evidence of lib- 
eral expenditure in behalf of objects not connected with Odd-Fellow- 
ship. It is a very mistaken idea, entertained by some, that the obliga- 
tions of our society compel us to sacrifice all our social duties and ties 
of consanguinity to the welfare of the fraternity. A man when he be- 
comes an Odd-Fellow, does not throw off" any of the responsibilities in- 
. cumbent on him as a father, son, brother or husband ; he merely ren- 
ders them more imperative. He is, in fact, enabled to discharge them 
more efficiently, by the aid of our admirable mode of organization and 
administration. We do not pretend to say that Odd-Fellowship must, 
of necessity, make all its members perfect men. Even the churches 
cannot substantiate such a claim as that. But we do fearlessly assert 
that it cannot make any man worse than he was before initiation. It 



has been charged against us, that we are too selfish in restricting our 
benefits chiefly to the members of the fraternity. The very persons 
who advance this objection show the fallacy of it by their own example. 
They generally like to " hold on to their own ;" and become highly in- 
dignant should any one, even by a suggestion, venture to direct the 
current of their philanthropy. We Odd-Fellows act upon the rule that 
charity should begin at home, but ought, by no means, to end there ; 
and are no more proscriptive than Saint Paul, who taught that good is 
to be done to all men, " but especially to those of the household of 
faith." We never interfere with the religious or political predilections 
of our members. Any reference to either subject is expressly forbidden ; 
and every Odd-Fellow retains absolute freedom of action. Members 
of the same Lodge vote against one another without the slightest 
scruple or reproach. 

This is the whole design of Odd-Fellowship. If any one is desirous 
of becoming more conversant with the details, any of the members of 
Concord Lodge will lend to the inquirer a printed copy of their consti- 
tution and by-laws 

There was, once upon a time, a great cry against Odd-Fellowship, 
on the score of its being a secret society. But the panic was soon over ; 
for our American people always, when they learn the facts, come back 
to common sense. It was conceded that we were not even a secret 
society. Every body knew of our existence. AVe built our halls, 
printed our rules and published our proceedings. It was found that 
our secresy consisted, entirely, in our modes of recognizing fellow mem- 
bers. 

This was absolutely necessary ; for it is obligatory on us to aid and 
assist a brother in distress, whencesoever he comes. The modes refer- 
red to are almost impossible to counterfeit, and if counterfeited, the de- 
ceit would very promptly be detected. 

In this country any such fraternity may be organized without mo- 
lestation from secular or ecclesiastical authority. The Constitution 
itself sanctions secresy in certain proceedings of the Senate ; and it is 
the daily practice of the Government to deliberate on its measures in 
that confidential conclave of the Heads of departments with the Presi- 



15 

dent, known as the Cabinet Council. Every sect of cliristendom has 
its secret sessions. The Roman Catholic Bishops held their late con- 
vocation in Baltimore with closed doors ; and the Episcopalians, Pres- 
byterians, Methodists, Baptists and others, exclude, under certain 
circumstances, all persons not embraced in their communion. Even 
the Quakers, in their monthly preparative, or yearly meetings, be- 
fore entering on business, request all who are not members of the so- 
ciety of Friends to withdraw. 

The peculiar advantage of membership in an Odd-Fellows Lodge is, 
that aid is imparted in seasons of distress, without any degradation to 
the recipient. He has no more fastidiousness in accepting his " sick 
dues" than a landlord would have in receiving his rents. 

But we do not restrict the beneficial influence of Odd-Fellowship by 
these sordid boundaries. The association cultivates good will towards 
one another amongst men. An Odd-Fellow is never without a friend. 
Although personally an entire stranger, let him make himself known 
as a member in good standing, and he is sure to find help in time of 
trouble. He must be a worthy Odd-Fellow though. If he is a trans- 
gressor of the law, or fugitive from justice, the order refuses him a sanc- 
tuary. There is nothing in the teachings or obligations of the frater- 
nity which could induce to, or justify, a violation of the law. 

Secret societies, as they are termed, are very numerous and flourish- 
ing in this Republic. Under no other government is such perfect free- 
dom allowed to them. Even in England the Masonic Fraternity have 
to submit to a kind of honorable espionage, by electing to the Grand 
Mastership some one of the aristocracy or of the Royal family. 

As governments darken into despotism and superstition, such asso- 
ciations are suspected, prohibited, and anathematized. 

It is not inappropriate, therefore, for Odd-Fellows to celebrate the 
advent of a nation which based its organic law on the principle that 
the people are the only true source of power ; and which owes its ex- 
isting prosperity to the fact that no sacerdotal tribunal is permitted to 
" spiritualize" away our civil rights or social privileges. 

The Independent Order of Odd-Fellows Avas first organized in this 
country in 1819. The founder of it, Thomas Wildey, of Baltimore, 



16 

still survives. Thirty-five years ago, last April, there were but five Odd 
Fellows known in the United States. To-day there are more than two 
hundred thousand. 

There must be something valuable in an institution to account for 
such an increase in its numbers. 

If any one doubts these assertions in behalf of the order, or suspects 
its ulterior designs, he can readily ascertain for himself the truth of the 
matter. 

If he believes in the existence of a Supreme Being, the creator, pre- 
server, and governor of the universe ; possesses a good moral charac- 
ter, and can spare the amount required for initiation, he can be in- 
structed in all the secrets and participate in its mysterious delibera- 
tions. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



